Leaders in the Western Hemisphere face difficult choices in the months ahead as they adjust to a new U.S. administration that is playing by its own rules in its dealings with the region. However, one upcoming choice should be straightforward: the election of a new secretary-general for the Organization of American States on March 10.
The outcome of the vote will influence whether Latin America is able to contain authoritarian regimes, fight organized crime, and counter China’s growing presence in the hemisphere. More broadly, it will shape the region’s ability to navigate what is shaping up to be a tumultuous period in U.S.-Latin American relations.
After 10 years under the leadership of Uruguayan diplomat Luis Almagro, the contest between Paraguayan Foreign Minister Rubén Ramírez Lezcano and Surinamese diplomat Albert Ramdin represents more than a routine leadership transition. It’s a referendum on whether the OAS will maintain its traditional role as a defender of democracy or shift toward accommodating authoritarian influences in the region.
Ramírez emphasizes the OAS’s critical role in supporting democracy and human rights and calls for more concerted efforts against organized crime and money laundering. Paraguay stands as South America’s last diplomatic ally of Taiwan and one of Israel’s closest allies in Latin America, and its support for Venezuela’s democratic opposition led the Maduro regime to break off diplomatic relations with Paraguay in January.
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In contrast, Ramdin advocates a more permissive approach toward Venezuela’s authoritarian regime, prioritizing dialogue over democratic accountability. Ramdin knows the organization well, having served as assistant secretary-general from 2005 to 2015, and has suggested that Suriname’s potential as a major oil producer would position him to win the election. While Suriname has friendly relations with the United States, it is closer to China, which supports Ramdin’s candidacy. Ramdin has spoken warmly of China’s role in Suriname’s development, including through the Belt and Road Initiative, which Suriname joined in 2018.
For some in the region who already view the OAS as too U.S.-friendly, the temptation will be to support the candidate who is least appealing to Washington. This would be a mistake. Countries in the region are experiencing a series of interconnected challenges – insecurity, corruption and democratic erosion among them – that require greater collective resolve and coordination. The region desperately needs to overcome ideological commitments and find ways to coalesce, or it risks becoming an easier target for malign actors and losing relevance on the world stage.
The outcome of the vote also matters for the United States. The OAS remains the most effective multilateral platform for U.S. engagement with the hemisphere. Unlike other forums, such as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, or CELAC, where the U.S. lacks a seat at the table, the OAS has generally aligned with U.S. objectives and promoted democratic values across the Americas. The Trump administration’s current strategy of bilateral pressure to weaken the region’s engagement with China may yield concessions in some cases but is not sufficient for the larger task of rebuilding U.S. influence in the region. America needs a broader, positive agenda, and a strong OAS under like-minded leadership could provide the platform for this, especially in areas such as security, rule of law and development.
Some critics may argue that the OAS’s limitations make it unworthy of serious attention, but such a view is shortsighted. It is true that the OAS exhibits many of the weaknesses common to multilateral bodies, with an undue emphasis on consensus and limited ability to enforce decisions. It is also chronically underfunded.
However, in spite of its imperfections, the OAS remains an important bulwark for democracy in the region. For example, the OAS’s Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has vigorously documented Venezuela’s systematic efforts to suppress opposition participation in politics, prevent free elections, and instill fear among Venezuelans. And in August 2024, OAS member states voted to urge Venezuela to release election tallies and to provide impartial verification of results.
The choice facing OAS member states isn’t just between two candidates — it’s between maintaining the organization’s commitment to democracy and allowing the OAS and the hemisphere to splinter further. For governments that seek to turn the page on the current instability and democratic drift in the region, supporting Ramírez is an imperative.
Daniel Batlle is an adjunct fellow at Hudson Institute. He held senior roles at the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development during the George W. Bush administration.
Part of our series the Unraveling of Latin America. This essay explains the importance of the Organization of American States, a stalwart of democracy in the region, and its upcoming election.
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Publish date : 2025-03-02 18:31:00
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