Why Germany and America Still Need Each Other

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Germany’s political crisis may offer an opportunity to put this essential partnership on a more sustainable path forward.

Germany isn’t exactly thought of as an emotional country. Indeed, in a land that bears the moral weight of the Holocaust, a deep reluctance remains about displaying any hint of national pride.

German flags are only unfurled when the country’s national soccer team is on the pitch; the military is rarely seen or celebrated; and unlike the United States, few politicians discuss, let alone dwell, upon their military service.

But beneath this carapace of neutrality and detachment, a welter of emotions is percolating about the fresh challenges that Germany faces. The status quo is no longer an option: it must revive its sluggish economy, rebuild its shell of a military, confront home-grown Islamist violent extremism and the migration crisis, and face down Russian aggression not only in Ukraine but in Germany itself. In short, Germany is a country in crisis.

This sense of national unraveling explains why Germany responded so vociferously to Vice President JD Vance’s now infamous speech rebuking Europeans for their purported hostility to free speech at the Munich Security Conference in late February. Rejection and dejection were suddenly in the air. The sensation was as though their older brother—who rebuilt the country atop the ashes of World War II, orchestrated the Berlin airlift, and brought them freedom and unification after the fall of the Berlin Wall—had not only abandoned but also gratuitously attacked them.

Heading into Germany’s elections last weekend, the incoming chancellor, Friedrich Merz, channeled this raw emotion when he declared that his country must “achieve independence” from the United States. Some Americans bristled at these comments. How dare he? Doesn’t he understand that they need us?

It’s true: Germany’s export-driven economy needs American consumers to buy its products. In fact, the United States is Germany’s largest trading partner and the trade deficit in goods is at an all-time high. With American tariffs looming large over Europe, Merz’s comments could prove injurious to his quest to jumpstart Europe’s sputtering economic engine.

Yet both the Germans and the Americans have a point. Germany needs to become less reliant on America without antagonizing the global superpower. But America also needs to maintain a strong partnership with Germany—and help nudge the new government in the right direction. Whatever disagreements may come to the fore, the United States and Germany have a multiplicity of shared interests—and Merz appears committed to addressing the legitimate concerns that Washington has raised about some of the policies that Berlin has pursued in recent years.

The United States has reminded Germany and Europe for decades to spend more on defense and, more recently, to shoulder more of the burden of supporting Ukraine’s fight against Russian aggression. Merz has made a commitment to doing just that—and imagine if the Germans were to buy American military equipment, which supports American jobs. So maybe Germany and Europe should thank President Donald Trump for shocking them out of their malaise and funding their own defense.

Germany is also a net importer of American services and the money the Germans receive from the trade imbalance in goods like cars or pharmaceuticals is often reinvested in the United States. And let’s not forget that German car makers build cars in the United States—BMW in South Carolina and Mercedes in Alabama. That is good for America.

It’s also important to remember that Germany unapologetically stands with Israel—and the same cannot be said for many other partners in Europe. Berlin has remained supportive of Israel’s right to defend itself after the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks and takes its post-Holocaust commitment to protecting the right of the Jewish people to exist extremely seriously. The sight of the Israeli and German flags flying side-by-side at the Bundestag will never fail to be moving given Germany’s tenebrous history.

Americans rightly criticized Germany and former Chancellor Angela Merkel’s idealistic—or perhaps delusional—approach to climate policy, which has led to the single greatest deindustrialization of an industrial power probably ever in history. Thankfully, the incoming chancellor has promised a reset of these policies and can and should buy more American liquified natural gas, which is so essential to German and European economic revival.

Merz also wants to overhaul another major legacy of Merkel’s tenure: the country’s disastrous migration policy. He has outlined a strict approach aimed at tightening border controls, revising asylum laws, and restricting social benefits for non-residents. Given the spate of terrorist incidents by Afghan and Syrian migrants, it is no wonder Germans want to feel safe in their own country.

It’s time for Germany to confront the issues that have created the difficulties it faces today and put itself in the best position possible for a renewed partnership with the United States. But America, for its part, must also recognize the importance of a strong relationship with Germany—one in which Germany is prepared to assume more responsibility for its own security and, moreover, as one of the leading European powers.

About the author: Antonia Ferrier

Antonia Ferrier is vice president for external affairs at the International Republican Institute and a contributing editor of the National Interest.

Image: Shutterstock.

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Why Germany and America Still Need Each Other

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