Edmundo González, the Venezuelan opposition candidate who has been recognized by multiple nations as the rightful winner of the country’s contested July election, hasn’t been seen in weeks. Amid a wave of arrests and violent repression against members and supporters of the opposition, González has gone into hiding. In his absence, María Corina Machado, a former industrial engineer who served as a member of Venezuela’s National Assembly, has become the driving figure of a movement that seeks to electorally oust President Nicolás Maduro after more than a decade in power.
Machado is an economic liberal who has long been public about her opposition to former President Hugo Chávez and the Maduro regime. In the last year, she has become a political phenomenon leading a ground up movement that seeks to end decades of repression, corruption, and economic hardship.
In 2023, the Maduro government barred Machado from participating in an election for 15 years. The decision, based on dubious accusations of financial irregularities during her time in the national assembly, came weeks after Machado had overwhelmingly won the 2023 Unitary Platform presidential primaries. The opposition scrambled to find a viable replacement for Machado, landing on González — a former ambassador — after their first pick, Corina Yoris Villasana, was also barred from registering as a candidate.
Machado and González spent months on the campaign trail, traversing across Venezuela and drawing crowds of thousands. While González’s name is on the ballot, it’s clear Machado remains a driving force of enthusiasm for the opposition. On July 28, millions of Venezuelans took to the polls, and it seems that Gonzalez may have prevailed.
Maduro was declared the winner on July 29 by the government-controlled electoral council, but the lack of transparency behind vote tallies cast immediate doubt on the results. In the weeks since election day, several independent reviews of polling place data made public by the opposition — including by CNN, The Washington Post, The Associated Press, and The Electoral Observation Mission — suggest that data provided by the Democratic Unitary Platform is both authentic, and that González had won in a landslide of 67-30.
In the weeks since the election, the United States, Argentina, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay have recognized González as president-elect. Some regional allies, including Brazil and Mexico, have hesitated to recognize Maduro’s claim to victory and called for transparency. In response to opposition protests and increased international pressure, the Maduro regime has carried out a campaign of violence and repression. Dozens have been killed, thousands detained, and an arrest warrant has been issued for González.
In an interview with Rolling Stone, Machado discusses her experience over the last few weeks, her social and economic vision for the beleaguered nation, and her hope that those in America and abroad will see the value of protecting democracy and their institutions — before they must fight to reclaim them.
This interview was translated from Spanish, and edited for length and clarity.
It’s been an intense few weeks, how are you?
I’m good. They have been perhaps the most intense weeks of my life. I never imagined that one could have more work after winning an election than before winning it. I’m very proud to be part of this movement — that accomplished a historic feat on July 28 and July 29. At the same time, obviously, everyone has been very affected and outraged by the regime’s wave of repression, which has been brutal.
It’s been a little more than a month since the election. Where do things now stand for you and the opposition party?
During these last few years, we were told that it was impossible to get here. They told us a year and a half ago that it was impossible to once again raise up, excite, and create trust within a country as beaten and disappointed as Venezuela was. All the divisions that they made among us between whites and blacks, rich and poor, left and right, those on the outside, and those on the inside — which is typical of these totalitarian systems — we tore them down and really united a country.
I won [my primary] with more than 90 percent [of the vote.] Afterward, the regime arbitrarily removed me from the race and told us it would be impossible to make it to the election. We were able to get Edmundo Gonzalez [to take my place on the ballot], and not only did we win in an overwhelming fashion — 67 to 30 — but for the first time we were able to demonstrate our victory. Chavismo [the left-wing populist political ideology formed by former Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez] in these last 25 years has conducted more than 30 elections, all of them containing a degree of fraud, but this is the first time that we have proof of our victory.
This puts us in a unique position of strength, of legitimacy. Of course the regime, which is a criminal system, finds itself exposed and has responded in a ferocious and brutal manner. They have imprisoned children, young people, women, the disabled. But deep down they are insulating and isolating themselves more and more every day because the only thing they have left is violence. We are going to continue advancing until we achieve a transition to democracy in our country.
The Maduro government has issued an arrest warrant for González — and dozens of members of the opposition have already been arrested or imprisoned. Where would an attempt to incarcerate Gonález leave you and the Democratic Unitary Platform?
First you have to understand one thing. The world knows he is the president-elect. This is an arrest warrant against the president-elect. The point here is not where it leaves us; it’s where it leaves the world, because this is certainly a red line.
And what we’re also seeing is that the support we are getting goes across the entire ideological spectrum. That is, you have [Chilean President Gabriel] Boric, from the left, [Argentinian President Javier] Milei a right-wing libertarian, all understanding and supporting us because this is not an ideological issue, but rather this is an issue of asserting freedom in the face of an oppressive and totalitarian system, of giving value to justice against the most corrupt system.
Let’s stick to the U.S. for a moment. How do you view their role in this? The Trump administration imposed increased sanctions on Venezuela, which seemed to exacerbate a lot of the economic problems that were there. What would you like to see the United States do now? Especially given that we have our own election soon.
Well, first of all, Venezuela’s economic and social problems began long before [Trump.] It’s important to say that.
Of course.
Second, It is important to say, I believe, that the two approaches are complementary. You have to put pressure so that there can be negotiation. And I think that is what we have learned from these years. I think we are in a unique moment, because the regime has never been as weak as it is today.
The whole world knows that Maduro was defeated. His own followers in his party know it, the Armed Forces know it, everyone knows it. The policy of repression that Maduro has carried out in recent weeks is so brutal that even the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights described it as state terrorism.
That is to say, the only thing Maduro has left is to surround himself with a group of high-ranking military personnel and repress through violence and lies. Maduro feels today that he can kill citizens, torture, imprison children — there were more than 150 children imprisoned — accused of terrorism. More than 200 women who were taken to prison and some have reported sexual abuse and cruel treatment. So, he feels like he can do that with zero cost.
What must be demonstrated is that this is not true, that repression has consequences. I believe that the United States has the obligation and duty to make the United States and the rest of the international community understand that the costs are increasing every day, that the best option that Maduro has is to sit down and negotiate a transition.
I want to express my gratitude because there have been voices in Congress, both in the House of Representatives and in the Senate, from both parties, who have put forward an increasingly firm position on the administration and I know that that will be maintained, whatever the outcome of the election in the United States, because it’s an issue of national security.
Given the way things stand now, do you still see a viable path to a transition? What would need to happen in order for your movement to be successful at this point?
The answer is absolutely yes.
Venezuela is experiencing very powerful social forces, from below, from within. On the one hand, there is general indignation at the fact that Maduro intends to ignore popular sovereignty. It’s aberrant. And the people know, his own people know, that Edmundo González won.
Second, there’s the anger and pain over the repression, the fear that they want to sow in society. And the third force is the deterioration of the economy, which has nothing to do with sanctions; it’s the corruption of the regime and the total absence of the rule of law.
Venezuela is in the last world of global rule of law. There is no trust here, no one is going to invest. The economy is falling, as is the consumption of goods in the popular sector. So you mix these three forces, and what can happen? Well, obviously huge popular unrest, but also internal conflict, and a stampede of people across the border. So, I mean, this has to stop now. This is the moment. And the way to do it is to make it clear to Maduro that the world is not going to look the other way in the face of his crimes. They tell their followers, ‘No, the world is going to get tired and turn the page.’ That’s not going to happen.
No matter how much pressure they put on Edmundo and I, we are not going to give up, we are going to keep going. TAnd this is a process that, I insist, is not only existential for Venezuelans and for everyone who believes in freedom, in democracy, in justice. It is for the entire hemisphere. What happens in Venezuela is going to affect the entire hemisphere.
Speaking of this hemisphere, several countries have suggested an internationally monitored election. Are you open to that or are you determined to see the results of July’s election enforced?
Of course, we’re willing to participate in that, but it’s a negotiation that has to start from the recognition of July 28.
I mean, I want this to be clear. Imagine if in every country in the world, the government in power that doesn’t like an election outcome says “No, no, no, let’s have another one. Because I didn’t like the results. So let’s do it, and if I don’t like the second one, I’ll do a third, a fourth.” Would they accept that in Mexico, in Colombia, in Brazil or in the United States? Of course not.
We were in an election with the rules of tyranny. They weren’t clean elections. I won the [primary] and they didn’t let me participate. Four and a half million Venezuelans, who are registered and live abroad, were not allowed to vote. Three million of us who turned 18 years old were not allowed to register here. And we still won with 67 percent of the vote. If those young people would have voted, those who are outside and inside, this election would have ended up 90-10.
So, this is not a polarized country, this is not a divided country. Venezuela is more united than ever and has already made its decision. And all negotiations must start by recognizing the popular sovereignty expressed in the vote. From there, we are determined to negotiate — but with recognition of that point.
Many Americans know something is happening in Venezuela, but don’t have a lot of context around the details, your story, and the movement’s plan for the country. So here’s a very “American Election” question. Edmundo Gonzalez wins. He’s sworn in as president. What would the first 100 days of that administration look like? What are your priorities?
The priority is absolutely the people, our people. We have made it this far because this has been a movement that has been based on building trust, which had been destroyed in Venezuela. Trust among ourselves as citizens. And that starts with speaking the truth.
This brought us together. That’s what this new government is going to be — a new government where the center is the people. Today we’re a country where there is no education, and where children in public education go to class two days a week to receive the worst education on the planet. We have to make up ground. I want to turn Venezuela into a trilingual country. Every child, from the poorest ones to the one with the most opportunities, will be trilingual: They will speak Spanish, they will speak English, and they will speak the digital language.
We are going to make Venezuela fly. We are going to turn Venezuela into the energy hub of the Americas. We have the capacity to become a renewable energy powerhouse. Venezuela has the ninth-largest freshwater resources on the planet. We have a capacity for hydroelectric energy that I want to take to the big producers of the world’s data centers to ask them to come here and generate jobs with clean energy. That can be done here.
But that means we need a system of freedoms. People are not going to invest in a country where there is no trust, where private property is worth nothing. Most importantly, I want to stop migration, not by putting obstacles, not by closing the border, but rather people voluntarily returning to their country because everything can be done here. To make this possible, we need you right now — I’m not talking about the U.S. government, I’m talking to the American citizens and Latin Americans. We need your voices, hard and clear, alongside ours. Because this is the moment to secure change.
You have received many threats, so have your staff and your allies. I want to know a little more about how that’s been affecting you, but also how you would address the overall lack of security in Venezuela.
So one thing is repression. In other words, we are talking about the fact that we carried out a campaign with my entire command either imprisoned or under asylum in an embassy. Every day there were threats, and more and more people were taken away. Journalists were taken prisoner, media outlets were closed. They tried to besiege me, and what did they want? For me to leave the country.
I’m not going to leave, and every day they threaten me with something else. Now I’m a terrorist — accused of terrorism. What’s more, my colleagues are being tried in court for terrorism. And Edmundo González has an arrest warrant for him from an anti-terrorism court. They have no limit.
Your colleague mentioned ahead of our interview that a member of your team was kidnapped last week?
They’ve kidnapped a lot of people. There is a young woman, 30 years old, our coordinator in Portuguese, María Oropeza. They went to look for her at her house. She had the strength to transmit it live through Instagram, and we were able to see how they forced their way into her house and kidnapped her.
This was a month ago and her mother hasn’t seen her. Last night I spoke with Flor, her mother. She stops in front of the prison every day and brings her what she can — medicine or some food — but she has not seen her daughter.
Last week they detained my lawyer, Perkins Rocha, who was also a magistrate of the First Court of Venezuela, a jurist, a university professor, just for defending those of us who’ve been imprisoned. They took him prisoner, he went out to buy some medicine and they dragged him away from the pharmacy.
This is happening as we speak. What do they want? They want Edmundo and I to leave Venezuela and throw in the towel.
We will prevail, we have a mandate, they want to terrorize people, for God’s sake.
They blocked X in Venezuela. They have stopped young people on the street to check their phones, and if you have something on WhatsApp that’s supportive of us, they take them to prison or extort them and take $300, 400, which for them is a fortune.
This is a regime of terror, but they are not going to break us. We are going to move forward and once we come to power, you can be sure that this isn’t going to be a system based on revenge. On the contrary, we are going to go through a process where there is justice, and where never again will a Venezuelan be afraid to say what they think.
Your slogan is “Serenidad, Coraje y Firmeza. Avanzamos” — Serenity, courage and firmness. We move forward — can you explain it for English speakers who may not understand some of the connotations these words have in Spanish, particularly within a political context?
Of course. So many things have happened to us, many of them brutal provocations. It’s not just the physical attacks, but the attacks on your honor, on your dignity.
And they are provocations, the regime tries to knock us off of our strategy and our campaign. You don’t know how many times, before in my past life, I was super impulsive. And now I have learned to always take a deep breath before reacting and asking myself, “What do they want? What is the right path?”
That is why serenity is essential, but it cannot be confused with weakness. And that is one of the things that I have transmitted — or tried to transmit very strongly — to all the members of this movement. Serenity is the position of one who knows they are strong. Strong because we have the truth.
Now, that has to be accompanied, obviously, by a position of progress. Defending the truth in these times requires great courage, great courage. And I think that in the end that is something that perhaps many people do not understand.This is a deeply profound social and cultural movement. This is the closing of a political cycle of violence, dependency, misery, and the beginning of a new bright era. That is why I say that this is a fight that transcends the electoral, and is an ethical fight for the truth, it is an existential fight for life, and it is a spiritual fight for good.
It’s beautiful because I have many friends who are agnostic or atheist and I see them praying and I ask, “What is happening with you?” In the end there is a spiritual dimension, regardless of one’s beliefs, you know? It’s something that transcends us. That’s why there’s no turning back from this. That’s why I say this goes until the end.
I hope we get there as fast as possible because every day that passes means human lives, means people who decide to leave and cross the border — with all that that entails, separated families. But there’s no turning back from this. We already defeated this system. We defeat it socially and spiritually. And we also defeated it electorally, which was very difficult.
What would you like Americans to understand about the situation in Venezuela?
Many people describe Venezuela as the country that has the largest [energy] reserves in the world, the richest on the planet. But the wealth of this country isn’t in the ground, the wealth is in well-formed people and democratic institutions.
It’s a hard lesson. You have to take care of your institutions. We took freedom and democracy for granted until we lost it. And once you have a perverse system like the one in Venezuela — by the way, an ally of Putin, of Iran, of Syria — operating as the window to the West to reach the United States, it’s very hard, very difficult to defeat it.
We Venezuelans have given everything, and I feel proud to be part of this movement. We’ve done everything, we defeated them, we need you now. We need the citizens of the world’s
par excellence free country raising their voices not only for the good of Venezuela, but for the good of the United States.
We are going to make Venezuela a prosperous country, a country that is going to integrate and become a great ally to freedom and democracy in the West. This is the time to move forward, this is the opportunity.
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Publish date : 2024-09-07 02:30:00
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