Making the case for reparations at home

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THE case for the super developed Europe to pay reparations to the underdeveloped states of the Caribbean, Africa and Asia has been made indubitably. The evidence and the case are overwhelming and those who stand in resistance are doing so merely out of fear that it may open the floodgates that can result in reverse underdevelopment of Europe. They know that there is no valid argument against the case for reparations.

More than immigration, trade, judicial administration, territorial sovereignty and other policies, the one subject the Caribbean Community has unity on is the fact that reparations are due by our former enslavers and colonisers.

There is also unity around the world that the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, and some of its spillover effects, were the most barbaric large scale earth changing crimes against humanity ever perpetuated. There is also consensus that the ill effects from slavery still haunt the descendants of those who were enslaved.

Except for the United States and to a lesser extent Canada, the notion that reparations are due to African descendants within the countries by the countries themselves is not very popular. There are many reasons why North America is a bit different, but the one highlighted has to do with how early that region became self-sufficient and cut off direct crown dependency and ties from Europe. Therefore, a larger proportion of the ill-gotten gains from enslavement actually stayed in the north and fuelled its own development.

While in places like the Caribbean, most of the extracts were transferred to Europe to fuel their rapid development. Consequently, the case for paying reparations to the US is not as loud as it is in the Caribbean.

This brings me to Guyana. Though the majority of economic benefits were transferred overseas, that which remained was great and significant to the foundations of this nation for which Africans were never compensated.

As a quick example, when the indentured labourers came to Guyana, they met thousands of miles of canals and dams, roadways, foot paths, complete settlements, architectural-scapes, sugar estates and recreational facilities all across Guyana. These were the foundations upon which everything else was developed. The country owes more than a debt of gratitude to Africans for their exploitation that laid these foundations.

Ever since his ascent to office, the President of Guyana, Dr. Irfaan Ali, has been at the forefront of the fight for reparations from Europe, this is commendable on every level. Some of his positions have been strong and forthright.

It is also heartening to note that the Government of Guyana has joined others in requesting that the UN’s “Decade of People of African Descent” (DPAD), 2014 to 2024, be extended by at least another decade.

Given this current level of advocacy, I am using this column to ask Dr. Ali to seriously open the case internally for African reparations. I acknowledge that this is not without challenges, but the potential challenges should not daunt us. Some aspects of DPAD were mishandled. There is a lot more that could have been set in motion locally. There were many missed opportunities to rapidly advance the cause of African people. For example, the report of Granger’s Commission of Inquiry into African Ancestral Lands (AAL) didn’t see the light of day, much less receive any official action. My definition of AALs refers to lands purchased from the crown after slavery.

There are many forms reparations could take but the single act or returning AALs to the Africans would be a major and significant step to reparative justice. It is the least Guyana can do for the descendants of Africans. If this is done, it will not directly address reparations for slavery itself but will go a far way to repair the severe economic damage Africans have suffered over the years.

As a start, to pick the lowest hanging fruit, start with the State itself. There are several easily provable parcels of lands that were rightfully AALs that were utilised by government for various purposes. I’m not apportioning blame to any specific administration, as I believe every administration since independence might have utilised AALs in the course of governance. It may be for good reasons and for the benefit and development of the country; canals, recreational parks, roads, schools etc.

Notwithstanding, descendants were not compensated and many of them remain among the landless poor in Guyana. This is doable within a term in office and does not require significant resources. Just simply do an honest audit of AALs that fell into government hands over the years and simply transfer other existing lands held by the State that are of similar value in today’s dollars, and in cases where the very land could be returned, return it. The question will be, return to whom, specifically? Space will not allow me to get into that, but it’s not that difficult to work out. This must be followed by specific government policies, and where insufficient legal provisions exist, specific legislation may be needed to prevent government from acquiring AALs in the future without adequate compensation.

If President Ali could accomplish this, even in part, before he leaves office in 2030, he would have done more for African reparations in Guyana than all his bold advocacy can dream to generate in our lifetime. The PPP 2025 manifesto beckons.

There are cases where AALs fell into the hands of non-African private interest. This is much more delicate and complicated to navigate and will need a national conversation and reasonable persuasive measures to those who currently hold AALs privately, to participate in the restoration process.

The still open question of reparations for slavery itself should be treated as a separate issue. This issue could not easily find a sounding board when Guyana was considered the Caribbean’s poster child for poverty, bettering only Haiti. Enslavement of Africans brought an economic windfall both here and abroad in the same way oil has brought a windfall; there is now fiscal room to address the issue of reparative compensation, at least for the physical infrastructure that was in place as at August 1st 1838, in today’s dollars.

DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Guyana National Newspapers Limited.

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